July 2023 – GAMAG

News

Spanish far-right threatens feminist advances

‘The Guardian’ reports on Vox’s attempts to curtail the right to abortion in Castilla y León

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/jul/15/spain-far-right-vox-castilla-y-leon

** Where does it end?’ Far-right’s gains raise fears for LGBTQ+ freedoms in Spain

** Rights groups in region where Vox is in government warn voters in run-up to snap general election

Ashifa Kassam (@ashifa_k)

Valladolid, Castilla y León

Sat 15 Jul 2023

Pride celebrations have long been a small but raucous affair in the northern Spanish city of Valladolid. Setting off from a singular triangle-shaped plaza, a dozen drummers lead hundreds through the narrow streets of the largest city in Castilla y León.

But this year – after the region became a showcase for the far right’s first foray into Spanish government since the Franco dictatorship – the shift in tone was palpable.

“For the first time in a very long time, we felt that Pride was not about demanding more rights,” said Virginia Hernández Gómez of LGBTQ+ rights group Fundación Triángulo in Castilla y León. “Instead, it was about demanding that the rights we have not be taken away.”

The sparsely populated region – described by Vox leader Santiago Abascal as a “showroom” for the ultraconservative party’s pledges to eradicate Spanish laws on abortion, LGBTQ+ rights, gender equality and violence against women – has been thrust into the spotlight as Spain gears up for a snap general election.

Most polls suggest that the right wing PP is on track to win the election, but that it will need the support of the far right to govern. Human rights groups are warning voters across the country to heed the precedent being carved out in Castilla y León.

“There’s a chance that what has happened in Castilla y León could happen across the country,” said Hernández Gómez, pointing to the steady drip of rollbacks, rhetoric and reversals that have taken hold since the far right entered the regional government in 2022. “That’s why the elections on 23 July are so important – both the model of our country and the rights of many are at stake.”

As the junior partner in the region’s coalition government, Vox has taken aim at funding that encouraged companies to hire survivors of violence against women, curtailed the hiring of gender equality advisers in city halls and pulled funding from services that sought to help migrants find jobs.

Among its most polemic measures was a series of protocols aimed at dissuading women from getting abortions. “Does Vox actually have the jurisdiction to implement that? No,” said Beatriz Olandía of the Coordinadora de Mujeres de Valladolid, an umbrella group made up of NGOs, political parties and women’s groups in the city. “But if there is one thing that characterises Vox, it’s the culture war and the re-opening of debates that have long been setled.”

Vox’s initiative, which sparked threats of legal action from the Socialist-led government in Madrid, was eventually stamped out by the PP. But the damage had been done, as it forced women to scramble to protect gains consolidated long ago and derailed the push for further progress, said Olandía.

“It’s a bit paradoxical. We’re in 2023 and suddenly there’s a man who opens his mouth and we have to defend our right to decide about our own bodies,” said Olandía. “So the feeling is one of, where does this all end?”

The region’s vice-president, Vox’s Juan García-Gallardo, has employed a similar tactic when it comes to legislation combatting violence against women as well as historical memory. The party has slashed funding for workers’ unions and eschewed practical solutions for ideology when it comes to crucial issues for the region, with García-Gallardo blaming “hypersexualisation” and the prevalence of casual sex in Spain for sparking a “demographic winter” in rural areas.

For the LGBTQ+ community in Castilla y León, the constant stream of antagonism emanating from the region’s institutions – whether the steadfast refusal to light up the regional parliament for Pride, as done in previous years, or the string of homophobic comments made by Vox’s García-Gallardo – has translated into mounting safety concerns.

Days after members of the city’s LGBTQ+ community said that some were now fearful of holding hands in public or kissing in a bar, a young man was severely beaten during festivities in a nearby village by several people who allegedly used homophobic slurs. Police later arrested three people and are investigating another five.

“We’ve never seen anything like this before,” said Hernández Gómez of Fundación Triángulo. “We believe that what is being said in the [region’s] parliament isn’t a true reflection of society, but rather of a very small minority. But what we’re seeing is that these small groups now feel legitimised and can go as far as aggression.”

Across Spain, where the recent regional and municipal elections sparked a rash of dealmaking between the PP and Vox, signs suggest that the far right intends to stick to the same playbook as its grip on power grows. Along with taking aim at Pride flags and vetoing depictions of the LGBTQ+ community, Vox’s newly minted crop of politicians have resisted efforts to hold a minute of silence for women killed by their partners. In the region of Valencia and nearby city of Vila-real, the ultraconservatives distanced themselves from banners condemning violence against women, while four Vox councillors in the city of Albacete sat out as their colleagues stood in respect.

It remains to be seen whether the far-right will gain enough seats in next week’s election to wield any real power, said Hugo Marcos Marné, a professor of political science at the University of Salamanca. But their stint in Castilla y León – where they control three of the region’s 11 ministries – suggests that their presence in government works to normalise views against reproductive rights, LGBTQ+ rights and immigration.

“They’re not innocuous,” said Marcos Marné. “Even if in terms of public policy there is not as much short-term change as you might expect, over time there is an erosion effect.”

Some of this decay is evident in Castilla y León, where the PP has stood by as the far right barges across what would have been red lines for the conservative party, said Olandía of the feminist umbrella group Coordinadora de Mujeres de Valladolid. “They gave them everything they wanted,” she said. “When it comes to the PP, we have no idea what their limits are.”

She pointed to the precedent to argue that if Vox were to become kingmaker following the general election, the rollback of rights could be far more radical than anything seen in Castilla y León. “Here we’ve had a bit of bulwark in the central [Socialist] government. But imagine a government where Vox is given certain portfolios and concessions?” she added. “That scares the hell out of me. It’s a step backwards, by decades.”

News

Nadezhda Azhgikhina (GE) defiende construir puentes para hablar con…

Nadezhda Azhgikhina (GAMAG Europa) aboga por evitar “tácticas de miedo para cancelar la cultura rusa y a todos los rusos”

*** “Millones de rusos están excluidos del mundo, al mismo tiempo que se enfrentan a presiones sin precedentes dentro de Rusia. Si esta práctica continúa, los occidentales no podrán encontrar a nadie con quien hablar en Rusia”, advierte.

Nadezhda Azhgikhina, miembro del Comité de Coordinación de GE, habla de periodismo y feminismo con Jackie Abramian –también comprometida con la igualdad y el empoderamiento de la mujer– en una larga entrevista publicada por ‘Ms.’, revista que lleva más de 50 años a la vanguardia del periodismo feminista.

https://msmagazine.com/2023/06/10/nadezhda-azhgikhina-russia-journalism/

10/6/2023 por Jackie Abramian

“La historia la hace la gente común, no los políticos. El diálogo es de gran valor porque algo sucede cuando las personas se encuentran y hablan”, dice con entusiasmo la veterana periodista rusa Nadezhda Azhgikhina. Estamos en un rincón del vestíbulo de un hotel una noche en la ciudad de Nueva York después que haya tenido un día completo de reuniones, una charla universitaria y una cena con amigos cercanos y colegas.

Fiel a su nombre, Nadezhda (que significa esperanza en ruso) Azhgikhina tiene esperanza en el futuro de nuestro mundo. Como directora ejecutiva de PEN Moscú y miembro de la Unión de Escritores Rusos, sirvió en el Consejo de Género de la Federación Internacional de Periodistas durante casi quince años. Articula sus ideas en un excelente inglés, pero con un inconfundible acento ruso y una sonrisa ocasional que se extiende por su rostro.

Le pregunto sobre el vacío global actual que ha silenciado la comprensión intercultural de las historias humanas en toda Rusia. Estos relatos tienen cicatrices de una historia de revoluciones y renovaciones, ideologías políticas cambiantes de apertura, y después de aislamiento de Occidente.

Azhgikhina espera que los intelectuales y educadores del mundo puedan estar “en la primera línea para romper estereotipos y construir puentes en diferentes campos” y evitar “tácticas de cancelación de la cultura rusa y de todos los rusos”.

“Esto es importante para el futuro, nuestro futuro común. La cancelación de Rusia ha dejado a muchos intelectuales, estudiantes, clase media y personas de mente abierta rusos sintiéndose discriminados por Occidente, por lo que han comenzado a cambiar de opinión y apoyar la propaganda. Las sanciones no afectan a los oligarcas, generales o políticos rusos, sino al pueblo liberal. Millones de rusos están “prohibidos” en el mundo, mientras que, al mismo tiempo, enfrentan presiones sin precedentes de las autoridades dentro de Rusia. Si esta práctica continúa, los occidentales no encontrarán ningún interlocutor en Rusia”.

“En toda Rusia, dice, hay mucha gente decente. Las mujeres están a la vanguardia y siguen ayudándose mutuamente”.

Azhgikhina recuerda con nostalgia cómo las comunicaciones abiertas y empoderadoras entre las mujeres rusas y estadounidenses en el pasado ayudaron a desmantelar la imagen “servil” de las mujeres rusas que se tenía desde hacía mucho tiempo, tal como se presentaba en los medios de comunicación rusos. Esta representación, dice, fue impulsada por las ideas neoliberales, tras años de propaganda soviética sobre la igualdad formal (inexistente) y penetró en la sociedad y el mundo empresarial.

Bajo Mikail Gorbachov y su “primera dama erudita” Raisa Gorbachov, las colaboraciones impulsaron iniciativas internacionales de paz de mujeres y lanzaron el Centro de Estudios de Género de Moscú de la socióloga Anastasia Posadskay. Esto ayudó a que organizaciones de mujeres independientes se reunieran en toda Rusia.

Las primeras escritoras de la URSS y América del Norte se reunieron en la primavera de 1991 en la conferencia Glasnost in Two Cultures en la Universidad de Nueva York y fomentaron la diplomacia ciudadana intercultural, borrando conceptos erróneos en ambos lados. Tras la traducción al ruso del icónico libro “Our Bodies Ourselves”, por iniciativa de Katrina Vanden Heuvel, las organizaciones de planificación familiar de EE. UU. y Rusia trabajaron juntas. Las ondas de Радио Надежда (Radio Esperanza) desataron un cambio revolucionario contra la violencia de género. Como reacción, algunos hombres jóvenes se unieron al movimiento contra este delito.

El lema “La democracia sin mujeres no es democracia”, adoptado por el movimiento feminista ruso, alcanzó prominencia más allá de sus fronteras, integrándose en la lucha mundial por la igualdad de género. Salvó vidas, abrió puertas, redujo tensiones y unió a las mujeres para luchar por el desarme nuclear, la igualdad de derechos y la seguridad.

Declive de la ética del periodismo global y el periodismo feminista.

Fideicomisaria de Artículo 19 desde 2020 y exvicepresidenta de la Federación Europea de Periodistas, Azhgikhina está alarmada por el panorama desolador del periodismo mundial y la falta de contenido bien investigado y analizado. Ella dice que las “empresas tradicionales de medios familiares ” han sido reemplazadas por grupos internacionales hiperenfocados en los beneficios y la rentabilidad, no en la publicación de contenido de noticias sólidas.

“La globalización de los mercados ha simplificado el contenido y disminuido la calidad de la información, ya que la mayoría de los medios de comunicación hoy en día utilizan los mismos contenidos para informar sobre los temas. Los departamentos más caros, como los de investigación, ciencia y tecnología, se ven eclipsados financieramente, y los corresponsales extranjeros han disminuido drásticamente en todo el mundo”, dice Azhgikhina, citando el libro del escritor de Nation Magazine, John Nichols, The Death and Life of American Journalism.

“Estamos lejos del periodismo real hoy. Desde que se prescindió de los periodistas más cualificados de las redacciones, asistimos a una tendencia mundial de noticias uniformadas y titulares rápidos. Lo optimizan todo, no para informar y educar, sino como cebo informativo. Los reportajes objetivos y las voces de todas las partes implicadas se reemplazan con “paquetes de noticias”, una tendencia muy peligrosa. La comunidad periodística mundial debe levantarse y exigir una toma de conciencia ”, dice.

Azhgikhina tiene esperanzas en varias iniciativas internacionales, entre ellas la conferencia Mujeres Periodistas como Comunicadoras de Paz de la UNESCO.

Originaria de Tomsk, una de las ciudades más antiguas de Siberia, Azhgikhina se mudó a Moscú a una edad temprana. Con un Doctorado en Periodismo de la Universidad Estatal de Moscú, donde enseñó durante muchos años, Azhgikhina desarrolló una notable carrera periodística. Su currículo incluye altos cargos en algunos de los principales medios de comunicación de Rusia, como Ogoniok, Nezavisimaya Gazeta (uno de los diarios más importantes de la Rusia postsoviética) y una columna personal en Delovoy Vtornik y JOURNALIST. En 1992 cofundó con Irina Jurna la Asociación de Mujeres Periodistas Rusas.

Ella atribuye su intelecto y éxito internacional a su familia. Como muchas familias rusas, la suya refleja orígenes diversos, que van desde comunistas devotos y víctimas del Gulag hasta educadores, escritores rusos famosos y estudiosos de la literatura rusa. Ella recuerda con orgullo la influencia de su abuela materna quien, como comunista devota y “feminista práctica”, fue la primera mujer geóloga-jefa en las minas.

“Durante esa época, las mujeres nunca trabajaban como geólogas o geólogas-jefas. Obtuvo este puesto después de graduarse en el Instituto Técnico de Tomsk, y tenía un sitio en una mesa donde sólo había hombres. Ella los animaba a usar vocabulario ruso obsceno, como si sólo hubiera hombres en la mesa, cosa que ni siquiera ahora puedo imaginar, pero consiguió estar ahi”. Azhgikhina admite que la discriminación de género persiste en Rusia como en el resto del mundo.

El informe más reciente de ONU Mujeres confirmó que la plena igualdad de género en todo el mundo está a 300 años de distancia. Pero en Rusia, el estatus político de las mujeres es mejor hoy que a finales de la era soviética. Las mujeres ocupan el 27 por ciento de los escaños parlamentarios rusos, en comparación con casi el 20 por ciento al final de la Unión Soviética.

Sin embargo, Azhgikhina explica cómo solo las madres con salarios altos pueden pagar fácilmente niñeras y guarderías, mientras que aquellas con menos seguridad financiera a menudo sacrifican sus vidas profesionales, al no poder pagar tales servicios. Más allá de la estrategia nacional oficial de Rusia sobre las mujeres, ella ve la necesidad de “promover que las mujeres lleguen a puestos de toma de decisión a nivel nacional”. En algunas regiones rusas, con una población mayoritariamente musulmana, dice que las mujeres participan activamente en todos los niveles de poder y empresas comerciales, haciendo importantes contribuciones al desarrollo general de la sociedad.

“Los principales medios de comunicación de Rusia recientemente han comenzado a dar cobertura a la violencia de género, pero desde un ángulo de valores patriarcales tradicionales o con una prespectiva religiosa. Esta tendencia ha acompañado la progresión general de la retórica patriarcal, homófoba y nacionalista”, dice Azhgikhina.

La mayoría de los rusos, según encuestas recientes, cree que la violencia de género es un delito punible. Esto contrasta con lo que sucedía hace unos 30 años, cuando Azhgikhina trabajaba con ONG y periodistas rusos que cubrían la violencia de género, incluidos los asesinatos por honor y las mutilaciones genitales femeninas, que todavía se practican en algunas regiones del norte del Cáucaso en la actualidad.

Cuando estos temas se presentan en los medios, hay resistencia por parte de los tradicionalistas. Para combatir esto, Azhgikhina explica cómo feministas y activistas rusas promovieron un premio de la vergüenza titulado “Sexista del año”. Fue lanzado diez años antes de la COVID-19, el 8 de marzo (Día Internacional de la Mujer), como una iniciativa en línea creada por jóvenes feministas y periodistas feministas, las cuales señalaron actos y declaraciones sexistas en la esfera pública, los medios de comunicación y la publicidad, que captaron la atención y la cobertura de los medios.

La paz desde una perspectiva feminista

Le pregunto a Azhgikhina si en el entorno actual “la paz está en el suelo y está esperando a que la recojan”, como cita Philip Zelikow en su libro “The Road Less Traveled”. ¿O los conflictos globales y las guerras eternas han convertido a las personas constructoras de paz en una especie en peligro de extinción?

“Debido a que tenemos tantos conflictos en todo el mundo y carecemos de suficiente información sobre los acontecimientos en diferentes partes del planeta, nuestra visión global es muy desconcertante. Recuerdo debates sobre muchos conflictos y actividades en los que no se discutía a menudo un enfoque tan humanista, incluidas las formas de iniciar la comunicación de paz después del conflicto o cómo prevenir nuevas tragedias. Lamentablemente, las iniciativas se centraban en los aspectos humanos. Las formas de poner fin a la violencia no son muy populares ahora y no dominan la agenda de los principales medios de comunicación. Estos han olvidado muchos principios básicos del periodismo. En cambio, participan en guerras de información para provocar una escalada, en lugar de encontrar formas de impulsar la paz”.

Azhgikhina dice que el entorno global actual desafía los esfuerzos morales constructivos, simplemente porque “no son muy rentables”.

Lamenta que aquellos en Europa que aún recuerdan la Segunda Guerra Mundial y la posterior paz mundial estén desapareciendo lentamente. Otra generación de jóvenes considera las guerras y las amenazas nucleares sobre todo como “juegos de ordenador”.

“Cuando presidí un debate de jóvenes académicos sobre los medios y la amenaza nuclear como parte de un diálogo ruso-estadounidense en San Petersburgo antes de la pandemia, nadie señaló la amenaza nuclear como algo serio. Esto me aterroriza. No sé cómo ha surgido esta actitud, pero creo que es porque no discutimos ni enfatizamos lo suficiente la paz como la base natural de todo en nuestro mundo. Sí, es importante informar no sólo sobre elecciones, catástrofes naturales y entretenimiento, sino también recordarle a nuestro mundo los valores básicos de lo que debemos hacer, lo que es vergonzoso hacer, lo que es bueno y lo que es malo”. Azhgikhina enfatiza cómo “nuestro mundo de la posverdad” ha dejado a algunas personas desorientadas.

Se une a sus colegas y amigos periodistas de organizaciones internacionales como Ethical Journalism Network (EJN) en la búsqueda y el hallazgo de “nuevas formas de apoyar el periodismo como un bien público”. Estas ideas incluyen establecer bases independientes para el periodismo de investigación, la formación en nuevas tecnologías, trabajar con big data e involucrar a la audiencia en la elaboración de agendas y actividades de los medios. Sus colegas y ella coinciden en que el periodismo sobrevivirá y mantendrá su misión, independientemente de los temas de actualidad.

Citando a la Federación Internacional de Periodistas, que en 2019 adoptó la Carta Global de Ética para Periodistas, suscrita por casi todas las organizaciones profesionales del mundo, Azhgikhina insta a los periodistas a no priorizar la cobertura de cuestiones parlamentarias y políticas y cumplir el Artículo 19 de la Declaración Universal de Derechos Humanos.

“Esta apunta la responsabilidad de los periodistas ante su público, que tiene prioridad sobre todo lo demás, incluidas las autoridades públicas. Cuando se confiaba mucho más en los medios, el público entendió que la información que proporcionaban potenciaba una mejor participación”, dice Azhgikhina.

Le pregunto a Azhgikhina si, en su opinión, las mujeres en Rusia y Ucrania tomarán el “camino de la diplomacia”, que Henry Kissinger describió como “complicado y frustrante”, pero que “requiere visión y valentía para avanzar hacia él”.

“Es muy difícil generalizar. Hay diferentes tipos de mujeres y hombres, pero creo que las mujeres, como participantes en la diplomacia ciudadana mundial, la construcción de la paz y la comunicación de la paz, están desaprovechadas. Las mujeres han adquirido experiencia en todas las esferas y pueden impulsar la promoción y consolidación de la paz debido a sus capacidades básicas. Esto no se debe a que las mujeres sean mejores que los hombres, sino a que las mujeres saben manejar situaciones increíbles e imposibles. No es casualidad que las mujeres se reagrupen ante crisis o catástrofes ”.

“Creo que las mujeres motivadas probablemente encontrarán un lenguaje más flexible para comunicarse. Creo que es posible que las mujeres en Rusia y Ucrania encuentren un lenguaje común y se ayuden mutuamente. Tal vez ya están en este camino. Es el potencial de las mujeres lo que acelera y facilita un lenguaje común de paz para que todos podamos superar las consecuencias de la tragedia a la que nos enfrentamos colectivamente hoy”, sonríe Azhgikhina.

¿Y cuál es su mensaje para las mujeres del mundo?

“Soñemos con todos nuestros futuros, el futuro de nuestros hijos viviendo en el mismo espacio y el mismo universo. Todos vivimos en una pequeña carroza azul flotando en el espacio. Nunca debemos rendirnos. Debemos creer en que lo imposible es posible. Nuestra misión no es imposible. Primero debemos tener un sueño, luego nuestro sueño puede hacerse realidad”.

SOBRE Jackie Abramian

Jackie Abramian es asesora de empresas sociales y miembro de sus juntas directivas, comprometida con la amplificación del trabajo de las mujeres constructoras de paz, creadoras de cambios y emprendedoras sociales, empoderando a las niñas y la equidad de las mujeres en todo el mundo, velando por que tengan un puesto o dos en la mesa y estén en “el menú” durante todas las negociaciones. Es miembro del Grupo de Trabajo sobre Mujeres, Democracia, Derechos Humanos y Seguridad (WDHRS) de la Coalición Internacional para la Renovación Democrática (ICDR), estratega de comunicaciones corporativas y fundadora de Global Cadence. Sus columnas y blogs han aparecido en Forbes Women, Thrive Global, HuffPost y GritDaily, entre otros.

News

Nadezhda Azhgikhina (GE) deffends building bridges to talk with…

Nadezhda Azhgikhina (GAMAG Europe) stands for avoiding “scare tactics of canceling Russian culture and all Russians”

*** “Millions of Russians are banned from the world, while simultaneously facing unprecedented pressures inside Russia. If this practice continues, you Westerners won’t be able to find anyone to talk with in Russia”, warns.

Nadezhda Azhgikhina, member of the GE’s Coordination Committee, talks about journalism and feminism with Jackie Abramian –also committed to women’s equality and empowerment– in a long interview published by ‘Ms.’, a magazine that has been for more than 50 years at the forefront of feminist journalism.

https://msmagazine.com/2023/06/10/nadezhda-azhgikhina-russia-journalism/

6/10/2023 by Jackie Abramian

“History is made by ordinary people, not politicians. Dialogue is of great value because something happens when people meet and talk,” says veteran Russian journalist Nadezhda Azhgikhina with enthusiasm. We stand in a corner of a hotel lobby one evening in New York City after her full day of meetings, a university talk and dinner with close friends and colleagues.

True to her name, Nadezhda (meaning hope in Russian), Azhgikhina is hopeful about the future of our world. As PEN Moscow’s executive director and member of the Union of Russian Writers, she served on the Gender Council of the International Federation of Journalists for nearly 15 years. She articulates her ideas in superb English but with an unmistakable Russian accent and an occasional smile that spreads across her face.

I ask her about the current global void that has silenced cross-cultural understanding of human stories across Russia. These stories bear scars of a history of revolutions and renewals, shifting political ideologies of openness to and then isolation from the West.

Azhgikhina hopes that the global intellectuals and educators could be, “on the frontline of breaking stereotypes and building bridges in different fields” and avoiding “scare tactics of canceling Russian culture and all Russians.”

“This is important for the future, our joint future. Canceling Russia has left many Russian intellectuals, students, middle-class and open-minded people feeling discriminated against by the West, so they have begun to change their minds and support the propaganda. The sanctions don’t affect the Russian oligarchs, generals or politicians—it’s the liberal people. Millions of Russians are banned from the world, while simultaneously facing unprecedented pressures from authorities inside Russia. If this practice continues, you Westerners won’t be able to find anyone to talk with in Russia.”

Across the expansive Russian country, she says, “There are many decent people. Women are at the forefront, continuing to help each other.”

Azhgikhina recalls with nostalgia how the empowering open communications between Russian and American women in the past helped dismantle the long-held “subservient” image of Russian women as portrayed in the Russian media. This portrayal, she says, was pushed by neo-liberal ideas after years of Soviet propaganda about formal (nonexistent) equality that penetrated society and the business world.

Under Mikhail Gorbachev and his “scholarly first lady” Raisa Gorbachev, collaborations spurred international women’s peace initiatives, launched the Moscow Center for Gender Studies by sociologist Anastasia Posadskay. This helped independent women’s organizations assemble across Russia.

The first women writers from USSR and North America met in spring 1991 at the Glasnost in Two Cultures conference at New York University, and fostered cross-cultural citizen diplomacy, erasing misconceptions on both sides. Following the Russian translation of the iconic book Our Bodies Ourselves, initiated by Katrina Vanden Heuvel, family planning organizations in the U.S. and Russia worked together. The airwaves of Радио Надежда (Radio Hope) unleashed a revolutionary change to condemn gender-based violence (GBV). In reaction, young men joined the movement against the crime.

The slogan, “Democracy Without Women Is Not Democracy,” adopted by the Russian women’s movement, reached prominence beyond their borders, gelling with the global struggle for gender equality. It saved lives, opened doors, reduced tensions, and united women to fight for nuclear disarmament, equal rights and security.

Declining Global Journalism Ethics and Feminist Reporting.

An Article 19 trustee since 2020 and past vice president of the European Federation of Journalists, Azhgikhina is alarmed about the depleting landscape of global journalism and the lack of well-investigated and analyzed content. She says the “traditional, family-held media companies” have been replaced with international businesses hyper-focused on financial gains and profits, not delivery of solid news content.

“The globalization of markets has simplified content and decreased the quality of information, since most media outlets today use the same information to report on issues. The most expensive departments, such as investigative, science and technology, are overshadowed financially, and foreign correspondents have dramatically decreased around the globe,” says Azhgikhina, citing Nation Magazine writer John Nichols’ book, The Death and Life of American Journalism.

“We are far from real journalism today. Since they released the most qualified journalists from editorial offices, today we are witnessing a global trend with uniformed news and rapid information bites. They optimize everything, not to inform and educate, but as clickbait. Objective reportage and voices from all sides are replaced with ‘news packages,’ a very dangerous trend. The global journalism community must rise and demand awareness,” says Azhgikhina.

Azhgikhina is hopeful about various international initiatives—among them the UNESCO Women Journalists as Peace Communicators conference.

A native of Tomsk, one of the oldest cities in Siberia, Azhgikhina moved to Moscow at an early age. With a Ph.D. in journalism from Moscow State University, where she taught for many years, Azhgikhina developed a notable journalistic career. Her resume includes top positions at some of Russia’s leading media outlets, such as Ogoniok, Nezavisimaya Gazeta (one of post-Soviet Russia’s most important daily newspapers) and a personal column in Delovoy Vtornik and JOURNALIST. In 1992, she co-founded the Association of Russian Women Journalists with Irina Jurna.

She attributes her intellect and international success to her family. Like many Russian families, hers reflect diverse origins, which range from devoted Communists and Gulag victims to educators, famous Russian writers and scholars of Russian literature. She proudly recalls her maternal grandmother’s influence who, as a devout Communist and a “practical feminist,” was the first woman chief geologist in the mines.

“During that era, women never worked as geologists or chief geologists. She got this position after graduating from Tomsk Technical Institute and had a seat at the table where there were only men. She encouraged them to use foul Russian vocabulary, as though there were only men at the table, which I cannot imagine even now, but she managed.” Azhgikhina admits gender discrimination persists in Russia as across the rest of the world.

U.N. Women’s most recent report confirmed that full gender equality around the globe is 300 years away. But in Russia, women’s political status is far better off today than in the late Soviet era. Women hold 27 percent of the Russian parliamentary seats, compared to nearly 20 percent by the end of the Soviet Union.

Yet Azhgikhina explains how only mothers with high salaries can easily afford babysitters and kindergarten, while those less financially secure often sacrifice their professional lives, unable to afford either kindergarten or babysitter fees. Beyond Russia’s official national strategy on women, she sees a need for “promoting women into decision-making positions on the national level.” Across some Russian regions, with a majority Muslim population, she says women are actively involved in all levels of power and business enterprises, making major contributions to the general development of the society.

“Mainstream media in Russia has recently started covering gender-based violence but from a traditional, patriarchal values angle or with a religious lens. This trend accompanied general progression in patriarchal, homophobic, and nationalistic rhetoric,” Azhgikhina says.

Most Russians, according to recent polls, believe gender-based violence (GBV) is a punishable crime. This is a contrast from some 30 years ago when Azhgikhina worked with NGOs and Russian journalists who covered GBV, including honor killings and female genital mutilations, which are still practiced in some northern Caucasus regions today.

When these topics are presented in the media, there’s resistance from the traditionalists. To combat this, Azhgikhina explains how Russian feminists and activists promoted a shame award titled “Sexist of the Year.” It was launched ten years before COVID-19 on March 8 (International Women’s Day) as an online commissioned initiative by young feminists and feminist journalists, who highlighted sexist acts and statements in the public sphere, the news media and in advertisements, which captured media attention and coverage.

Peace From a Feminist Perspective

I ask Azhgikhina if the current environment has “peace is on the floor that is waiting to be picked up,” as Philip Zelikow quotes in his book The Road Less Traveled. Or have global conflicts and forever wars turned peace-builders into endangered species?

“Because we have so many conflicts worldwide and lack enough information about events in different parts of the world, our global view is very puzzling. I remember discussions on many conflicts and activities where such a humanistic approach was not often discussed, including ways to start peace communication after the conflict or how to prevent new tragedies. Unfortunately, initiatives focused on human dimensions. Ways to end violence are not very popular now and don’t dominate the mainstream media agenda. The mainstream media has forgotten many basic principles of journalism. Instead, they participate in information wars to provoke escalation, instead of finding ways to instill peace.”

Azhgikhina says the current global environment challenges constructive moral efforts, simply because they’re “not very profitable.”

She regrets that those in Europe who still remember WWII and the subsequent world peace are slowly passing away. Another generation of young people especially consider wars and nuclear threats as “computer games.”

“When I chaired a discussion of young scholars on media and nuclear threat as part of a Russian-American dialogue in St. Petersburg before the pandemic, nobody identified nuclear threat as anything serious. This terrifies me. I don’t know how this attitude developed, but I think it’s because we don’t discuss it or emphasize peace enough as the natural basis for everything in our world. Yes, it’s important to report not only about elections, natural disasters and entertainment, but to remind our world about the basic values of what we should do, what is shameful to do, what is good and what is bad.” Azhgikhina emphasizes how “our post-truth world” has left some people disoriented.

She joins her colleagues and journalist friends from international organizations as Ethical Journalism Network (EJN), in searching for and finding “new ways to support journalism as a public good.” These ideas include establishing independent foundations for investigative journalism, education in new technologies, working with big data and involving the audience in forming media agendas and activities. She and her colleagues believe that journalism will survive and maintain its mission, regardless of current issues.

Citing the 2019 International Federation of Journalists which adopted the Global Charter of Ethics for Journalists, subscribed to by nearly all professional organizations around the globe, Azhgikhina urges journalists to not prioritize coverage of parliamentary and political issues and adhere to Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

“It underpins journalists’ responsibility to their public, which takes precedence over all else, including public authorities. When the media was much more trusted, the public understood that the information they provided empowered better participation,” Azhgikhina says.

I ask Azhgikhina if, in her opinion, women in Russia and Ukraine will take the “road of diplomacy,” which Henry Kissinger described as “complicated and frustrating” but one which “progress to it requires both the vision and the courage.”

“It is very difficult to generalize. There are different types of women and men, but I believe women as participants in global citizen diplomacy, peace-building, and peace communication are untapped. Women have gained experience in all spheres and can galvanize the promotion and development of peacebuilding because of their basic capabilities. This is not because women are better than men, but because women know how to manage incredible, impossible situations. It’s not by coincidence that women regroup when facing crises or disasters.”

“I believe that motivated women would probably find more flexible language to communicate with. I believe it’s possible for women in Russia and in Ukraine to find a common language and help each other. Maybe they are already on this path. It’s women’s potential which expedites and eases a common language of peace so that we can all overcome the consequences of the tragedy we collectively face today,” Azhgikhina smiles.

And what’s her message to the women of the world?

“Let’s dream about all our futures, the future of our children living in the same space and the same universe. We are all living on a small, blue marble stone, floating in space. We should never give up. We must believe in the impossible being possible. Our mission is not impossible. We must first have a dream, then our dream can come true.”

ABOUT Jackie Abramian

Jackie Abramian is a social enterprise advisor and board member, committed to amplifying the work of women peace-builders, change makers and social entrepreneurs, empowering girls and women’s equity worldwide, ensuring they have a seat, or two, at the table and are on “the menu” during all negotiations. She’s a member of International Coalition for Democratic Renewal (ICDR) Working Group on Women, Democracy, Human Rights and Security (WDHRS), a corporate communications strategist, and the founder of Global Cadence. Her columns and blogs have appeared in Forbes Women, Thrive Global, HuffPost, GritDaily among others.